How Hagrama Mohilary’s BPF reclaimed BTC from UPPL-BJP

Hagrama Mohilary, who previously served as the chief of the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) from 2005 to 2020, returns to power with a mandate that underscores the electorate’s renewed confidence in his leadership and vision for Bodo self-governance. It is a decisive victory for the Bodoland People’s Front (BPF), led by Hagrama Mohilary, in the recently concluded 2025 BTC election, marking a significant political comeback after a five-year hiatus.

The BTC administers five districts in Assam—Kokrajhar, Chirang, Baksa, Tamulpur, and Udalguri—regions central to the socio-political aspirations of the Bodo people. In this election, 2,658,477 citizens were eligible to vote. The results, declared on September 27th, 2025, awarded the BPF 28 seats, securing an absolute majority in the 40-member Council, which includes 30 reserved seats for the Scheduled Tribe, five seats reserved for non-Scheduled Tribes, and five Open seats.

This outcome represents a major setback for the incumbent National Democratic Alliance (NDA) constituents—the United People’s Party Liberal (UPPL), which won seven seats, and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which secured five. BPF’s resurgence reflects consolidation of support across tribe and non-tribe communities with a tinge of aversion for the BJP, and at the same time, reaffirming BPF’s centrality in Bodo political discourse.

What do the numbers say?

The resounding mandate for the BPF in the 2025 Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) elections marks a significant political shift. Compared to its 2020 performance, BPF gained 11 additional seats, representing a 64.7% increase over its previous tally of 17 seats. This surge underscores a strong resurgence of regional political sentiment, with voters prioritizing local issues over national narratives. In contrast, the incumbent coalition of the United People's Party Liberal (UPPL) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) experienced a marked decline. UPPL's seat count dropped by 41.7%, while the BJP saw a sharper fall of 44.4%. Widespread public dissatisfaction with their governance over the past five years was no doubt a key factor behind their poor electoral performance.

The results suggest a clear rejection of the incumbent regime and a renewed trust in BPF’s leadership. The BJP’s poor performance, despite its national stature, highlights the limited influence of national parties in Bodo council elections, where local concerns dominate electoral behaviour. UPPL’s decline nevertheless reinforces that the core Bodo voters would instead choose Hagrama over Promod Boro as their leader. Hagrama’s rhetorical messaging at his rallies endears him to the crowd, much to Promod’s disadvantage, whose speeches in the refined Assamese language create a certain level of disconnect with his Bodo voters. Overall, the 2025 BTC election results reaffirm the importance of regional identity and governance in shaping voter preferences, with the BPF emerging as the principal political force in the region.

Table One: Election results comparison 2020 vs 2025

Source: Assam State Election Commission

On the other hand, both the Indian National Congress (INC) and the Gana Suraksha Party (GSP) experienced a dramatic decline, losing all seats they had secured in the previous election. Although the GSP had rarely ever made a significant show in the Council elections, its presence was always felt as one of the dominant parties for Lok Sabha elections.

Fielding Candidates for the Council elections

The BPF's resurgence has notably impacted the BJP, which suffered substantial losses, and the UPPL, which experienced a partial erosion of its stronghold.

The BJP, which had won nine seats in the 2020 elections, managed to retain only five in the current election. Of these, only two were retained from the previous term: Nagrijuli (non-ST) and Mwdwibari (Open). Notably, Diganta Barua was the sole BJP Member of Council Legislative Assembly (MCLA) to retain his seat from Mwdwibari. At Nagrijuli, the BJP replaced its incumbent candidate Dharma Narayan Das with Lakhi Das, who secured the win. The remaining seven seats previously held by the BJP were all lost to the BPF.

Three of the BJP’s current seats were won under unique circumstances. Bijit Gwra Narzary, who defected from the BPF, won the Darangajuli (ST) seat. The other two seats—Khaling Duar (ST) and Baganpara (ST)—were traditionally UPPL bastions, now captured by the BJP, suggesting strategic gains rather than widespread support.

The UPPL, which had formed the government in 2020 in alliance with the BJP, also faced setbacks. Of its previous winning candidates, only three retained their seats[i]. Dhananjay Basumatary of Manas Serfang (ST), originally elected as a BPF candidate in 2020 who later defected to UPPL, retained his seat under the UPPL banner this time.

Two additional seats—Chirang Duar (ST) and Koklabari (ST)—were retained by UPPL but with new candidates: Kampa Borgoyary and Mantu Baro, respectively. Koklabari had previously been held by Pramod Boro (Promod was also elected from Goibari ST), and Mantu Baro secured the seat through a bye-election for the previous term. A notable gain for UPPL was Srirampur (non-ST), won by Wilson Hasda, previously held by the Indian National Congress in 2020.

Despite these gains, UPPL lost five seats to the BPF and two to the BJP, which only indicates a weakening of its political base. The BPF’s ability to reclaim seats from both coalition partners underscores a broader dissatisfaction with the incumbent administration and a renewed trust in BPF’s leadership.

Table Two: Elector break-up as per the Final Electoral Rolls

Source: Assam State Election Commission

On the other hand, the Bodoland People's Front (BPF) demonstrated notable strategic manoeuvring in the 2025 elections, retaining a significant portion of its earlier electoral base despite internal defections and shifting political alliances. Of the 17 seats originally won in the 2020 Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) elections, the BPF successfully retained ten seats. Nine[ii] of these were held with the same candidates as in 2020, indicative of strong local support in the constituencies. While the coalition parties UPPL and BJP faced significant anti-incumbency, the same was not the case with the BPF, which managed to retain seats with incumbent candidates themselves. The tenth seat, Guma (Open), was retained with a new candidate, Md Antaj Ali, replacing Rahindra Brahma, a tactical shift in candidate selection.

The remaining seven seats from the 2020 tally had experienced defections to either the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) or the United People's Party Liberal (UPPL) following the formation of the fourth BTC government. Despite these setbacks, the BPF managed to reclaim five[iii] of these defected seats in 2025 with fresh candidates. BPF’s organizational strength and its ability to re-engage with the electorate, even in constituencies previously lost to rival parties, is remarkable.

One perceives in BPF’s performance a complex interplay of loyalty, candidate selection, and grassroots mobilization. While defections posed challenges, the party’s ability to retain and regain seats mirrors a persistent support base and effective campaign strategies.

Winning despite defections

Despite setbacks due to defections, the BPF has demonstrated a significant resurgence in the latest BTC polls. In the 2020 elections, the BPF secured a majority short of forming the government, but subsequently lost seven seats through defection of its MCLAs—including Manas Serfang ST to the United People's Party Liberal (UPPL) and Darangajuli ST to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Nevertheless, in the current poll the party retained five of the seven constituencies that saw defection in 2020, which had merged either with UPPL or BJP. Except for Bijit Gwra Narzary and Dhananjay Basumatary, none of the MCLAs who defected after the 2020 election received tickets this year (see endnote for MCLA defection list). Both retained their 2020 seats but contested under different parties—BJP and UPPL.

Star BPF leaders like Chandan Brahma and Khampa Borgoyary deserted Mohilary one by one—Chandan in April 2024 and Khampa in February 2025. This was meant to be a serious blow to the future of Mohilary in politics. However, the Tsunami as forecast by many Assam political commentators made landfall elsewhere, so it seems.

Yet, BPF expanded its influence by winning thirteen[iv] additional seats previously held by the BJP, UPPL, or GSP. The diversity of these constituencies—comprising three Open and three non-ST seats—only adds to their broadening appeal beyond its traditional Bodo-ethnic voter base.

This electoral performance is particularly significant given the historical decline of parties with strong ethnic narratives in the region. BPF has the ability to regain momentum and secure a winning margin comparable to its peak in the 2010s. The party’s success in non-ST and Open constituencies highlights its capacity to engage with a wider demographic, including non-Bodo populations. BPF’s recent electoral gains signal both a consolidation of its traditional base and an expansion into more diverse constituencies which had been declining over time. This is a significant development as the BTC elections are considered a litmus test for political parties that contest the following year’s Assembly Elections.

Table Three: Seats won by BPF over the years

Source: BPF official website

The Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC), which was established to administer the Bodoland Territorial Area Districts in Assam, held its first election in 2005. The newly formed Bodoland People’s Front (BPF) emerged victorious with a sweeping majority, securing 39 out of 40 seats. This decisive win enabled Hagrama Mohilary to form the first elected Executive Council of the BTC. The BPF's dominance continued in the subsequent 2010 elections, although with a reduced margin, winning 29 seats. Despite the decline, the party retained control of the council for a second consecutive term. In the 2015 BTC elections, the BPF managed to secure a third term, albeit with a further reduced majority, winning 21 seats. This electoral trajectory reflects that despite the initial strong support for the BPF, we witness a gradual decline in its dominance over successive terms. The diminishing seat count across elections also indicates the growing political competition within the Council.

Women candidates in BTC Election

The 2025 Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) elections marked a modest yet significant milestone in women's political representation, with three women candidates elected to the BTC Legislature: Moon Moon Brahma (Parbatjhora ST) and Akhtara Ahmed (Mathanguri Open) from the Bodoland People's Front (BPF), and Rekha Rani Das Boro (Baganpara ST) from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). In fact, Akhtara Ahmed’s fluency in the Bodo language not only bridges cultural gaps but also strengthens her appeal among the Bodo electorate. Despite this progress, the overall number of women candidates fielded by major political parties remains alarmingly low, which has been a persisting phenomenon of gender disparity in BTC politics.

Table Four: Women candidates fielded by major parties in the BTC elections 2025

Source: Official results Assam State Election Commission & Official Candidate lists BPF, BJP, UPPL and INC only (Alternative Party Boroland, GSP and others not calculated but does not make any significant difference to the issue discussed here, that of under-representation of women in BTC elections. Presently, the share of elected women candidates stands at 7.5% only)

This is particularly concerning given that women constitute 50.2% of the total electorate, a mark of a higher number of female voters than male. This calls for the urgent need for structural reforms. A one-third reservation for women in the BTC Legislature as well as the Indian Parliament is imperative to ensure equitable political participation. While political parties have begun to acknowledge the importance of gender inclusivity by nominating a few women candidates, systemic barriers continue to hinder broader representation. Addressing this imbalance is not only a matter of democratic fairness but also essential for fostering inclusive governance that reflects the diverse voices of the electorate.

What led to the BPF win?

The political landscape of the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) underwent significant transformation following the 2020 elections, which were held shortly after the signing of the Third Bodo Peace Accord. The Accord, intended to bring lasting peace and autonomy to the Bodo dominant areas, catalysed a shift in political alliances and power dynamics. The Bodoland People's Front (BPF), led by Hagrama Mohilary, which had dominated BTC politics for 17 years (initial three years of interim government plus three terms of elected government), saw a decline in influence. This was largely attributed to widespread allegations of corruption during Mohilary’s tenure and internal discord, particularly between Mohilary and Assam’s Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma. The emergence of the United People's Party Liberal (UPPL), in alliance with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), marked a new phase in Bodo politics, with the coalition securing a majority and forming the BTC government. This also marked the term where a national party of relevance shared power in forming and executing Council functions.

Despite initial optimism, the UPPL-BJP coalition faced mounting challenges over the subsequent five years. Key Bodo organizations and civil society groups expressed dissatisfaction with the implementation of the Peace Accord, arguing that its promises remained largely unfulfilled. A central grievance was the perceived erosion of BTC’s autonomy, with increasing administrative interference from the Assam state government. This was seen as undermining the spirit of decentralized governance and self-rule that the BTC was meant to embody.

Land rights and forest encroachment emerged as another contentious issue. The implementation of the Forest Conservation Act of 1980 led to the designation of approximately 40% of BTC’s territory as reserve forest. This classification has had profound implications for tribal communities residing in these areas. The Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006, which was designed to protect the land rights of forest-dwelling Scheduled Tribes, has not been implemented in the BTC. Many tribe households lack legal recognition and ownership of their ancestral lands. The coalition government’s repeated attempts to evict these families from reserve forests have intensified feelings of alienation and betrayal among the local population despite local parties being at the helm of affairs, especially in Chirang. Consequently, the Parbatjhora land acquisition for the Adani group for a 3,200 MW thermal power plant in partnership with the Assam Power Distribution Company Limited (APDCL) added to the growing mistrust against the coalition government.

In the lead-up to the 2020 Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) elections, the United People's Party Liberal (UPPL), under the leadership of Pramod Boro, campaigned on a platform of employment generation aimed at curbing outmigration from the region. Promises included skill development initiatives such as training for tractor mechanics and other vocational opportunities. However, these pledges largely remained unfulfilled, leading to widespread disappointment among the youth. While the coalition government did provide limited government employment in departments like Education and Forest, the scale of job creation fell short of addressing the aspirations of the region’s large and growing youth population. Besides, these appointments were smeared with allegations of favouritism, nepotism, and corruption in general.

Efforts to support meritorious students through subsidized coaching and living expenses yielded some positive outcomes, but were insufficient in scope and reach. The limited success of these initiatives contributed to growing public disillusionment. Pramod Boro faced severe criticism from political opponents, most notably from former BTC Chief Hagrama Mohilary, who accused him of betraying the Bodo Statehood movement by accepting the terms of the Third Bodo Peace Accord. Mohilary labelled Boro a “trader,” to bring home the point, that he had compromised the core demands of Bodo nationalism for political gain. These criticisms have intensified scrutiny of the UPPL’s governance and its commitment to BTC’s unnati (progress).

On August 2, controversial remarks by BJP leader Dilip Saikia regarding land ownership in Assam’s Sixth Schedule autonomous areas and Tribal Belts and Blocks sparked significant backlash. Saikia allegedly suggested that legal amendments could be introduced to permit individuals from other parts of Assam to purchase land in these constitutionally protected tribe regions. These statements were perceived as a direct threat to the land rights and autonomy of Scheduled Tribe communities. Consequently, various tribe organizations condemned the remarks, labelling them as anti-tribe. This reaction played a pivotal role in consolidating tribe sentiment and political alignment, particularly within the BTC during the run-up to the elections. The controversy underscores the sensitivity surrounding land rights in tribe areas and the political ramifications of perceived encroachments on Council autonomy.

These highlights encapsulate the key findings of the 2025 BTC election analysis, bringing to the forefront patterns indicating significant political shifts and voter preferences in the Bodoland Territorial Region. Although the mandate is anti-incumbent, with significant resistance for national party regimes in council governments, how the future pans out in a dependent nature of polity in Autonomous Council-State-Centre politics needs to be seen as time goes by.

1 These are the three seats retained by UPPL candidates without having field a new candidate:
Rakesh Brahma (Musalpur ST), Pramod Boro (Goibari ST), and Daobaisa Boro (Bhergaon ST), all
reserved constituencies.
2 These are the nine constituencies retained by the BPF with incumbent candidates Parbatjhora ST,
Soraibil ST, Dotma ST, Debargaon ST, Baukhungri ST, Salakati ST, Kajalgaon ST, Nichima ST, and
Dwhwnsri ST
3 These are the five constituencies retained by BPF despite defections in the 2020 council polls
namely Jamduar ST (Reo Reoa Narzihary joined BJP in Dec. 2020), Banargaon ST (Rajib Brahma
joined BJP in Oct. 2021), Chirang ST (Saikong Basumatary joined UPPL Oct. 2023), Sobaijhar ST
Prabhat Basumatary joined BJP in Oct. 2021), and Salbari ST (Joy Muchahary joined BJP on March
2024).
4 These are the thirteen constituencies additionally won by BPF from either BJP, UPPL or GSP i.e.
Kachugaon ST (gained from UPPL), Fakiragram non-ST (gained from BJP), Thuribari Open (gained
from BJP), Mathanguri Open (gained from BJP), Dihira Open (gained from GSP), Suklai Serfang ST
(gained from BJP), Goreswar ST (gained from UPPL), Khwirwbari ST (gained from BJP), Nonwi
Serfang non-ST (gained from BJP), Harisinga ST (gained from UPPL), Bhairabkunda ST (gained from UPPL), Pasnoi Serfang non-ST (gained from BJP), and Rowta ST (gained from UPPL).

Mizinksa Daimari teaches Development Studies (Agrarian Change) at Amity University, Noida. He can be reached at mdaimari@amity.edu